Spain's Radical Housing Market Intervention: A New Era of State Control?
Introduction
Spain's leader Pedro Sánchez has announced a dramatic new housing plan that could see non-EU buyers, including British citizens, paying up to 100% tax when buying Spanish homes. This would be a massive jump from the current 6-10% rate. The rule would affect people who spend less than 183 days a year in Spain and is part of a bigger plan to make housing more affordable.
To understand the scale of this, about 27,000 properties were bought by non-EU residents in 2023. The government believes these purchases were mainly for profit rather than for living in. Sánchez says Spain is facing a "housing emergency" and points out that similar rules already exist in places like Denmark and Canada.
Along with this tax plan, the government has announced other measures. These include tax breaks for landlords offering affordable housing, moving 3,000 homes to public ownership, higher taxes on holiday rentals, and stricter rules for short-term lets.
However, nothing is set in stone yet. The proposal needs parliament's approval, where Sánchez has often struggled to get enough votes. The government says the idea needs "careful study" and hasn't said when they might bring it forward.
Looking at this through an academic lens, this policy shows how governments are changing their role in managing property markets. It's particularly interesting because instead of just letting markets work freely (as has been common in recent decades), Spain is actively trying to control who can easily buy property.
When Sánchez talks about preventing a "society divided into two classes," he's touching on exactly the kind of spatial inequality that scholars have warned about. Where this case becomes particularly interesting is in its regulatory approach. While academic theory often focuses on how states help markets through deregulation and privatisation, Spain is taking a more hands-on approach by using direct government power to restrict market access.
The territorial aspect is also noteworthy. While experts typically talk about national governments losing power to regional and city authorities, this policy shows the national government taking back control. However, it does this by carefully targeting specific geographical areas and groups of buyers.
The policy's clear priority of homes for residents over homes as investments represents an interesting shift from the usual government approaches. This might signal a change in how governments see their role in housing markets, moving beyond just helping markets work to more direct involvement.
Three Nations, Three Solutions: How Countries Control Foreign Buyers
When we compare different countries' approaches, we see interesting patterns. Canada has completely banned foreign buyers for two years, Denmark requires special permission from their justice ministry, and now Spain is proposing this tax approach. Each country is trying to control their housing market, but they're using different tools to do it.
What's theoretically significant is how all three countries show national governments taking back control of property markets but using different methods: outright bans (Canada), administrative oversight (Denmark), and tax penalties (Spain). This variety of approaches suggests governments are experimenting with new ways to regulate markets.
The timing of these policies is significant - they're emerging after the 2008 financial crisis, ongoing housing crises, and growing inequality have changed what kinds of policies are politically possible. This suggests we need to update our understanding of how governments can intervene in markets.
The pattern we're seeing across these cases suggests a fascinating hybrid form of state intervention that goes beyond both old-style government control and free-market approaches. What's distinctive is how these governments are trying to split their housing markets into different regulatory zones. Rather than treating housing as either purely for profit or purely for social good, they're creating what we might call "graduated regulation" - where the same physical asset (housing) follows different market rules depending on who's buying it.
This represents a significant challenge to traditional academic thinking in several ways: The emphasis on the state as primarily helping markets work doesn't capture these new forms of market division; the focus on relationships between global, national and city levels needs updating to account for how states are creating new distinctions between residents and non-residents, EU and non-EU; and the analysis of how states target specific areas needs to consider how they're now targeting specific buyer categories.
The political and economic implications are significant - governments are trying to balance several competing pressures: voters wanting affordable housing, property owners wanting to maintain their property values, the need to keep some foreign investment, and concerns about social cohesion.
A Tale of Two Approaches: Spain's Intervention vs Britain's Market Freedom
When we compare Spain's approach to the UK's situation, we see some interesting differences. Both countries face significant housing shortages in major urban areas; both see substantial foreign investment in residential property, particularly in their capitals; both experience tensions between housing's role as shelter and as investment vehicle; and both have seen rapid house price inflation outpacing wage growth. Both countries face serious housing affordability problems, but they're tackling them differently. While Spain is making bold moves to control foreign buyers, the UK has kept to more market-friendly approaches, like its 2% extra tax on non-resident buyers and encouraging developers to include affordable homes in new projects.
The UK has focused on increasing housing supply and helping buyers with schemes like Help to Buy and Lifetime ISAs, rather than restricting who can buy. This shows how differently countries can approach the same problem.
A key difference is how each country views foreign property investment. Spain is actively trying to limit non-EU investment, while the UK has generally welcomed it, seeing it as part of London's role as a global financial centre, even though this affects local housing costs.
These different approaches show how countries think differently about what governments should do about housing. The UK's approach stays within market principles, possibly because of London's importance as a financial centre. Spain, however, seems more willing to directly challenge the idea of housing as a purely financial asset. This might be because of Spain's difficult experience with the 2008 housing crash and the social movements that followed.
Looking at their capital cities makes this even clearer. London tries to manage its position as a global property investment destination, while Madrid is trying to actively change its role in global property markets. This reflects different ideas about who should control housing markets - in the UK, it's largely left to market forces, while Spain is asserting more political control.
I think I would prefer to live in Madrid. The idea of a government actively trying to ensure homes are for living in, rather than just investment vehicles, feels like a step in the right direction.