Background
A good friend of mine directed me to read Chris Hedges’ American Fascists. I didn’t read that particular book, but I did read another one of Hedges’ books, Empire of Illusion: The End of Literacy and the Triumph of Spectacle. I am glad I did, because I found it tremendously insightful.
Hedges is a journalist, specifically a long-time war correspondent, reporting on the conflicts in Central America, the Middle East, Africa, and the Balkans. In 2002, he won the Pulitzer Prize for Explanatory Reporting as part of The New York Times team for their coverage of terrorism around the globe. He has written extensively about American politics, corporate power, and social issues.
The genius of the empire is that as it extracts wealth for a small elite, it provides enough spectacle and consumer comfort to maintain social order.
The key argument in Illusion is that perpetual progress and prosperity is a myth. The genius of the empire is that as it extracts wealth for a small elite, it provides enough spectacle and consumer comfort to maintain social order. This plays out through what Hedges calls the "politics of illusion." Here, electoral politics, media, and entertainment create a simulation of democracy while actual power remains concentrated in corporate hands.
In the book, Hedges tells the story of how modern power structures create a "culture of spectacle" where reality is replaced by carefully constructed narratives that serve the interests of those in power. Cultures of spectacle would be like the Super Bowl in America and the Champions League Final in Europe.
The Super Bowl: America's Greatest Show of Shows
The Super Bowl perfectly embodies Hedges' concept because it transcends being merely a sporting event. Consider how it has become a cultural phenomenon where the game itself is almost secondary to the spectacle surrounding it. The elaborate halftime shows, the specially produced commercials that cost millions per minute, the weeks of media build-up; all of these elements create what Hedges calls a pseudo-event that distracts from substantive social issues. The commercialisation of the Super Bowl demonstrates another key aspect of spectacle culture. When companies spend millions on Super Bowl advertisements, they're not just selling products; they're participating in what Hedges would identify as the creation of cultural narratives that reinforce consumer capitalism. The fact that people actively look forward to watching adverts during the Super Bowl demonstrates how thoroughly the spectacle can transform even commercial messaging into entertainment. Here, people eagerly anticipate their own manipulation.
When Football Becomes Circus: The Champions League Spectacle
The Champions League Final operates in similar vein, but with an interesting international dimension that Hedges' analysis helps us understand. The event becomes a spectacle that transcends national boundaries, creating what Hedges calls a global pseudo-event. The elaborate opening ceremonies, the branded messaging about unity through sport, the carefully choreographed presentations - all serve to create a spectacular distraction that operates across cultural lines. The Super Bowl and Champions League are no longer just sporting events, but microcosms of how modern power operates through spectacle and distraction. Both events share a key characteristic that Hedges describes as spectacle culture: they create what he calls manufactured drama.
Behind the Veil: How Modern Spectacles Work
What's interesting is how both events demonstrate a fusion of entertainment and corporate power. Both the Super Bowl and Champions League Final provide enormous platforms for corporate branding, where every aspect of these events is designed to maximise commercial exposure while maintaining the appearance of authentic sport.
The way these events are televised also exemplifies Hedges' concerns about how spectacles shape perception. The plethora of camera angles, instant replays, graphics packages, and commentary don't just show the game - they create a mediated experience that shapes how viewers understand what they're watching. This aligns with the argument in the book that a spectacle culture doesn't just entertain us but fundamentally it alters how we perceive reality.
The Intellectual Giants Behind the Theory
The foundations for Hedges theorisation come from Guy Debord's concept of "the society of the spectacle" where Debord argued that modern society had transformed authentic social life into a mere representation, where genuine human connections and experiences are replaced by commodified images and performances. When TikTok users spend hours watching 'day in my life' videos, they're living Debord's prophecy - life itself has become a performance to be consumed. This seems to be the direct source that informs Hedges' view of how empire maintains control through manufactured spectacles, from entertainment and consumer culture to carefully choreographed political theatre. He also takes from Michel Foucault's work on power and knowledge. Social media's invisible algorithms shape what we see and think, exercising the kind of subtle power Foucault described. He also builds on Herbert Marcuse's concept of "one-dimensional society" in which Marcuse described how advanced industrial societies create false needs and artificial satisfactions that pacify potential resistance to the system; finally. he builds on Jean Baudrillard's theory of simulation and simulacra that says we live in a hyperreal world. Baudrillard argues that - the distinction between reality and simulation has collapsed. In short, we are living in the Matrix.
When people lose their anchor to shared reality, they become more susceptible to manipulation and control.
But there is more, I see common purpose in Hannah Arendt’s, The Origins of Totalitarianism, and Hedges, Illusion. Both examine how power structures can manipulate and distort our shared understanding of reality. Arendt examines totalitarian society and shows how this shaping of reality succeeds by destroying people's ability to distinguish truth from fiction. In Arendt the goal isn't simply to make people believe lies, but to create an environment where the very concept of objective truth becomes meaningless. When people lose their anchor to shared reality, they become more susceptible to manipulation and control.
In Chris Hedges analysis of contemporary society, modern power structures have created a culture of spectacle where reality has been replaced by constructed narratives that serve the interests of those in power. Like Arendt, he sees this as a form of social control that works by disrupting our ability to understand and respond to actual conditions in our world.
I believe both Arendt and Hedges help us to understand today’s reality.
Arendt and Hedges: A Conversation Across Time
A close reading of these texts reveals that contemporary forms of control work through distraction and confusion rather than direct force. Information is not directly censored, instead we are flooded with so much conflicting information that it becomes difficult to distinguish between fact and fiction, truth and lies. This creates what Arendt called "organised confusion," where people retreat from engaging with reality because it becomes too overwhelming to process.
If there are no shared truths, we cannot form the collective understanding necessary for effective resistance to power. As objective reality continues to fragment, the competing narratives further fragment common cause such that shared interest becomes difficult to see and any form of common organisation becomes inconceivable. In simple terms, in these circumstances, people cannot organise around common causes because they cannot recognise their shared interest.
Living in the Age of Confusion
What’s really important for everyone in the first quarter of the 21st Century is to understand that the media (all media) amplifies these dynamics. Hedges focuses on how corporate media creates pseudo-events - manufactured spectacles that distract from substantive issues and keep people passive and disengaged. Social media and algorithmic content delivery intensifies this process, creating people that live in their own reality bubbles that further fragment our shared understanding of truth.
As objective reality continues to fragment, the competing narratives further fragment common cause such that shared interest becomes difficult to see and any form of common organisation becomes inconceivable.
This framework helps us understand modern phenomena like the spread of conspiracy theories, the effectiveness of disinformation campaigns, and the increasing difficulty of achieving consensus on basic facts. When people lose faith in traditional sources of truth and shared reality breaks down, they become more susceptible to alternative narratives that might not serve their interests.
The Spectacle in Everyday Political Discourse
Our political landscape provides even more compelling examples of Hedges' and Arendt's theories in action. Modern election campaigns have transformed into carefully choreographed performances where substance takes a back seat to style. Political debates now resemble reality television, with media coverage focusing on memorable one-liners and emotional exchanges rather than policy details. When voters discuss "who won the debate" based on performance metrics instead of substantive positions, they are living within the spectacle.
Social media algorithms create what Eli Pariser termed "filter bubbles," where users primarily encounter content that reinforces existing beliefs. This accelerates the fragmentation of shared reality that both Arendt and Hedges warned against. Citizens of the same country increasingly operate with entirely different sets of "facts" about fundamental issues like climate change, immigration, or economic policy. The algorithmic curation doesn't merely filter information, it actively constructs separate realities.
The presentation of political data offers another window into reality manipulation. A minor adjustment to the scale of a graph can transform a modest economic fluctuation into either a catastrophe or a non-event. This exemplifies Baudrillard's hyperreality, where the representation becomes more significant than the underlying truth it purports to illustrate.
Campaign strategists now employ sophisticated microtargeting techniques, crafting thousands of slightly different messages for specific demographic segments. This creates what amounts to "personalised propaganda," connecting directly to Foucault's analysis of how power operates through knowledge about individuals. The political message is no longer a shared text for public debate but a tailored product designed to manipulate rather than inform.
The journalistic commitment to presenting "both sides" of issues, even when evidence heavily favours one perspective, generates precisely the "organised confusion" Arendt identified. When mainstream media gives equal airtime to climate scientists and climate deniers, for instance, it manufactures an artificial equivalence that makes discerning truth nearly impossible for the average citizen.
The constant cycle of political crises, some genuine, others manufactured, creates what Naomi Klein identified as the "shock doctrine" opportunity. While public attention focuses on dramatic events, significant policy changes often occur with minimal scrutiny. The spectacle serves not merely as entertainment but as an active mechanism of political control.
Perhaps most telling is the reduction of complex political issues to shareable memes and short videos. When political discourse happens primarily through these simplified, emotionally charged formats, the nuance necessary for democratic decision-making vanishes. Each citizen becomes a consumer of political content rather than a participant in collective governance, precisely the transformation that Hedges argues undermines genuine democracy.
Why This Matters Now More Than Ever
As we click and scroll through our social media feeds today, we see Hedges and Arendt's warnings playing out in real time. Competing narratives about everything from climate change to public health don't just represent different viewpoints - they create entirely different realities.
What makes both Hedges and Arendt so valuable in understanding this moment is their refusal to reduce complex social phenomena to single causes. Unlike much of today's academic analysis, which often tries to isolate individual variables, they understood that social control operates through multiple, interconnected systems - entertainment, media, politics, and economics all working together to shape our perception of reality. Their synthetic approach helps us see how these systems work together to create the confusion and distraction that defines our current moment.
The spectacle is no longer just mediated by technology; it's being generated by it.
As we move into the second quarter of the 21st Century we move deeper into an era of artificial intelligence, virtual reality, and increasingly sophisticated means of manufacturing reality. The rise of deepfakes and AI-generated content takes Hedges' concerns to a new level. When artificial intelligence can create perfectly convincing videos, photos, and even news articles, how do we maintain any grip on shared reality? ChatGPT and similar AI models don't just assist with writing - they're becoming co-creators of our cultural narratives. The spectacle is no longer just mediated by technology; it's being generated by it.
Every time we watch a football match, we see these things played out in real time; Consider how VAR (Video Assistant Referee) in football has changed not just the game, but our relationship with reality itself. We now expect every moment to be reviewable, analysable, mediated through technology. The 'truth' of what happened on the field is no longer what we see with our eyes, but what multiple camera angles and computer-generated lines tell us - a perfect example of what Baudrillard meant by hyperreality.
All of this makes the insights of Arendt and Hedges not just relevant but indispensable for understanding how to maintain our grip on truth and shared meaning.
Note: This Newsletter has a second part to demonstrate that Hannah Arendt, Chris Hedges and the other theorists referred to do not just diagnose, they offer solutions as well.