3. Decolonial Thought: Applying Fanon and Cabral to Contemporary Urban Struggles

The Psychological Dimensions of Colonisation and Decolonisation

Introduction

In the streets of London, the shadows of colonialism linger in ways that are rarely articulated in mainstream discourse. The alarming rates of knife crime among Black and Brown youth, the disproportionate representation of these communities in our prison system, and their overrepresentation in mental health institutions are not merely contemporary social problems divorced from history, they are the manifestations of what Frantz Fanon would recognise as the psychological wounds of colonialism that continue to bleed generations later.

This analysis seeks to understand root causes, not to excuse harmful actions or diminish their impact on victims and communities.

The Psychological Inheritance

Fanon's analysis of the "coloniser's dehumanising gaze" provides a framework for understanding how historical trauma becomes internalised and manifests across generations. In London's most affected communities, we witness what Fanon described as "feelings of self-hatred, inferiority, and alienation" playing out in devastating ways. Young people who have never directly experienced colonial rule nevertheless inherit its psychological consequences, a fractured sense of identity and belonging that creates fertile ground for self-destructive behaviours.

When a young person picks up a knife, they are not simply making an individual choice divorced from context. They are responding to a complex web of psychological and social conditions that Fanon would argue stem from colonial frameworks that have shaped their reality. The territorial nature of gang violence mirrors colonial conflicts over space and sovereignty, while intra-community violence reflects what Fanon identified as the redirection of anger when direct confrontation with oppressive systems seems impossible.

Cultural Dislocation and the Search for Identity

Amilcar Cabral's emphasis on culture as a site of resistance offers another lens through which to understand these phenomena. Cabral argued that "genuine liberation requires not only the defeat of the colonial forces but also the mobilisation of the masses and the transformation of society." Yet many young people in London's Black and Brown communities experience profound cultural dislocation, disconnected from both their ancestral heritage and excluded from full participation in British society.

In this void, gang membership provides what Cabral would recognise as an alternative form of cultural belonging and identity formation. The symbols, languages, and rituals of gang life serve as substitutes for the cultural connections that colonialism systematically disrupted. When mainstream society offers limited pathways for recognition and respect, alternative systems inevitably emerge.

Structural Violence and Institutional Responses

The overrepresentation of Black youth in prisons and mental health institutions represents what both theorists would identify as the continuation of colonial control through different mechanisms. Cabral's analysis of the "contradictions in colonial societies" helps us understand how institutions ostensibly designed to help or rehabilitate often reproduce the very power dynamics they claim to address.

Mental health services, operating largely from Eurocentric frameworks of psychology, frequently pathologise responses to structural racism as individual disorders. The criminal justice system, meanwhile, continues to embody what Fanon described as the inherent violence of colonial systems, containing and controlling populations deemed threatening to the established order rather than addressing the underlying conditions that produce harm.

Applying the Weapon of Theory

Cabral's concept of theory as a practical tool for liberation offers a pathway forward. His insistence that "the development of the 'Weapon of Theory' must be rooted in the experiences and realities of the people in struggle" challenges us to centre the knowledge and experiences of affected communities rather than imposing external solutions.

This means recognising that meaningful interventions must address both internal contradictions within communities and the broader structural conditions that sustain inequality. It means acknowledging the psychological dimensions of these issues without reducing them to individual pathology. And it means understanding that cultural revitalisation - creating spaces where positive identity formation can occur - is not peripheral but central to addressing urban violence.

The Interconnected Contexts of Oppression

The situation in London exemplifies what Cabral described as the "interconnected contexts of oppression" - economic, social, cultural, and historical factors that cannot be disentangled. Young people navigating postcolonial London face economic marginalisation in a city of extreme wealth inequality, social exclusion reinforced through educational and housing policies, cultural alienation, and the historical weight of colonial hierarchies that positioned their communities as inherently inferior.

What Fanon and Cabral offer us is the understanding that these contexts must be addressed simultaneously. Employment programmes alone will not succeed without addressing psychological trauma. Mental health interventions divorced from economic realities will fall short. Cultural programmes that ignore structural barriers will have limited impact.

While this analysis concentrates on London, the colonial ghosts haunting contemporary urban struggles are no less present in cities across the UK and throughout the postcolonial world. From Birmingham and Manchester to New York's Brooklyn, Kingston's downtown, and Nairobi's Eastlands, we witness remarkably similar patterns: young people from formerly colonised communities experiencing disproportionate rates of violence, incarceration, and mental health crises. In each context, the specific manifestations vary - whether it's gun violence in Chicago's South Side, machete attacks in Kingston's inner city, or youth radicalisation in Paris's banlieues, but the underlying psychological and structural dynamics that Fanon and Cabral identified remain strikingly consistent. The territorial conflicts, cultural dislocation, and redirected anger that characterise these urban struggles reflect not local failures but the global persistence of colonial power structures adapted to contemporary conditions. This universality suggests that decolonised approaches to urban violence must operate simultaneously at local and transnational scales, recognising that these seemingly disparate urban crises share common historical roots and require coordinated responses that address both place-specific conditions and broader patterns of postcolonial inequality.

Conclusion: Towards Decolonised Solutions

The application of Fanon and Cabral's frameworks to contemporary London reveals that decolonisation remains an unfinished project. The knife crime crisis among Black and Brown youth, their disproportionate incarceration, and their mental health struggles are not failures of individual character but evidence of colonialism's enduring psychological and structural legacies.

Effective responses require what both theorists advocated for a comprehensive approach that addresses psychological healing, cultural revitalisation, community mobilisation, and structural transformation. This means moving beyond reactive policing and punitive measures to create spaces where young people can reclaim agency, dignity, and positive identity formation.

As Cabral argued, genuine liberation requires not just removing the external manifestations of oppression but transforming the society itself. Until we recognise the colonial ghosts that haunt our present and confront them directly, London's youth will continue to bear the psychological burden of a history that is not past but painfully present in their everyday lives.