2. Cabral's Decolonial Thought

The Weapon of Theory

May 24, 2025

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Background

In this Newsletter I want to talk about a very influential speech that I read long ago in my youth that helped to determine what I would do in my working life. I am from that time where people use to read. We didn’t have Tik-Tok, or Insta, so I read and one of my readings was the Weapon of Theory by Amilcar Cabral.

For those who don’t know (and many people don’t) Amílcar Cabral was an influential figure in the African anti-colonial movement. In 1966 at the first Tricontinental Conference of the Peoples of Asia, Africa, and Latin America he delivered a speech titled "Weapon of Theory". The thing about reading a treatise like this in the current period is that you have to get past the language. It is very much the language of a time gone by filled with the revolutionary phrases and verve of the period. One has to translate it into the way we use the language today. Nevertheless, being old or dated does not diminish its relevance.

The "Weapon of Theory" Concept

In this speech, Cabral emphasised the importance of understanding and confronting the internal contradictions within the economic, social, cultural, and historical realities of each nation. This is quite important, colonial and post-colonial societies have their own contradictions that come from within. All too often, these can be ignored or subsumed to the overarching contradiction, between north and south, east and west. The first major learning (or teaching) moment is that we should pay attention to the contradictions from within.

In the early 1950s, Cabral founded the African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde (PAIGC), which advocated armed struggle as a means to challenge Portuguese colonial rule (Mendy, 2019). His contribution to the decolonisation movements in Africa extended beyond Guinea-Bissau, as he became a key figure in promoting Pan-African unity and cooperation. He believed that the liberation of African nations should be collectively pursued to undermine the deep-rooted structures of colonialism. How was this to be achieved? Cabral was clear - he emphasised the importance of organising resistance on both military and social fronts (note the similarity with Fanon from last week’s Newsletter). He believed that genuine liberation required not only the defeat of the colonial forces but also the mobilisation of the masses and the transformation of society. Here, culture and language are powerful tools for strengthening the consciousness and unity of the oppressed people (Vaz Borges, 2019).

The concept of the "Weapon of Theory" serves two main purposes:

Analytical Framework: It provides an analytical framework to analyse structures of power, uncover the dynamics of colonialism, and expose the ways in which it perpetuates oppression (Cabral, 1966). You cannot defeat imperialism, colonialism or neo colonialism unless you know (deeply know) how it works, its logic, its motion. One can rail about it till the cows come home, but to defeat it, requires deep knowledge of its workings. Such knowledge can only come from analysis and analysis requires a framework. Cabral provides us with a framework for deep understanding.
Guide for Action: The Weapon of Theory (WoT) serves as a roadmap that charts a path to revolution. It allows the the oppressed to strategise and plan their resistance and ground their struggles in a thoughtful and informed approach. Theory, in this sense, is not something in peoples head, or for high falutin places of learning, neither is it detached from day-to-day practice, rather it is intimately connected to lived concrete experiences.
The big point in WoT, is that analysis must be rooted in the experiences and realities of the people in struggle. It should draw from their history, culture, and aspirations, rather than being imposed from external sources (Chabal, 1983). This clearly is something that was forgotten in the course of the 1979 - 1983 Grenada Revolution where the actors somehow construed themselves Bolsheviks and Mensheviks of 1916 Russia. What Cabral is trying to get across here is that the oppressed have the ability and potential to shape their own liberation. Agency matters.

In sum, there ideas have a power that is a transformative power, and the intellectual and ideological struggle is in fact the basic first step in the fight against colonialism and imperialism. Again, note the alignment with the Fanonian conversation from last week, through Marley’s words - “emancipate yourself from mental slavery … “

Benok Castillo on Twitter: "RT @tri_continental: Remembering Amilcar ...

The Interconnected Contexts of Oppression

In WoT Cabral stresses that oppression has four aspects, there is economic oppression, social oppression, cultural and historical oppressions. They do not exist on their own, they are inter-related and feed each other. Thus, any effective struggle has to be waged on all of the four fronts.

The material basis of all oppression is the economic, this refers to resource extraction (like mining, oil and gas drilling, forestry and so on) along with labour exploitation, and the unequal distribution of wealth. These are the factors that are fundamental to colonial domination. The social aspect encompasses the hierarchies, power dynamics, and social relations within a society. It includes class divisions, gender inequality, racial and ethnic discrimination, and other forms of social oppression. Understanding the social context is essential for recognising intersecting forms of oppression and identifying strategies to challenge them. Cultural oppression involves the beliefs, values, traditions, and practices of a community. Colonialism in general seeks to erase indigenous cultures, impose dominant cultural norms, and undermine the identity and self-esteem of the colonised. Again, note the alignment with Fanon where resistance on the cultural front is essential for reclaiming cultural heritage, and preserving the cultural identity of the oppressed. The historical context provides insights into the legacy of colonisation, including the historical aspects, events, and struggles that have shaped the current realities. It helps the oppressed to understand the roots of oppression, the methods employed by colonial powers, and the resistance movements that have laid the groundwork for liberation. In the liberation struggle, all four aspects have to be addressed if colonialism and by extension neo-colonialism are to be defeated.

Specific Examples of Cabral's Theories Applied in Guinea-Bissau

Having completed the analysis, he developed the theory and applied it to everyday conditions in Guinea-Bissau along several fronts - Education and Cultural Liberation, Democratic Governance and Economic Cooperation, Military Strategy and Social Integration, Healthcare, International Diplomacy and Solidarity.

Education and Cultural Liberation

With respect to education and culture, his emphasis on language and identity materialised through the establishment of a comprehensive network of "bush schools" throughout liberated territories (Tricontinental Institute, 2024). Unlike the Portuguese colonial education system that privileged European perspectives and the coloniser's language, these schools conducted instruction in local languages, honouring Cabral's insistence that cultural liberation was inseparable from political independence. The curriculum balanced practical skills with local history and cultural knowledge, creating spaces where young Guineans could develop pride in their heritage whilst acquiring tools for national development. By the early 1970s, these initiatives had reached substantial numbers of children across the liberated zones. Cabral and Guinea were at the time demonstrating the power of ideas to transform society. What is very important is that the ideas were applied to the concrete needs of the various communities (Vaz Borges, 2019). Put another way, theoretical ideas were made actionable.

Democratic Governance and Economic Cooperation

Perhaps the greatest example of Cabral's WoT in action was the democratic restructuring of village governance, throughout liberated zones, PAIGC organised People's Stores operating on cooperative principles that allowed communities to bypass exploitative colonial economic structures. Village committees with elected representatives, including mandatory positions for women, created alternative political frameworks that directly challenged the colonial administration (Rudebeck, 1974). These committees handled local governance, justice and resource distribution, embodying Cabral's theoretical emphasis on addressing internal social contradictions whilst simultaneously resisting external domination. Through these structures, ordinary villagers experienced self-governance and collective decision-making. Again, this is the translation of abstract ideas of liberation into everyday realities.

Military Strategy and Social Integration

Another important feature arising from WoT was how it shaped the PAIGC's military approach. Rather than importing revolutionary strategies from other contexts, Cabral developed tactics specifically calibrated to Guinea-Bissau's unique terrain and social composition. PAIGC fighters lived among rural populations, participating in community life and agricultural labour, thereby implementing Cabral's important theoretical emphasis on the unity of military and social resistance (Chabal, 1983). The guerrilla campaign strategically targeted Portuguese economic infrastructure whilst preserving local resources, reflecting his sophisticated analysis of the economic contradictions inherent in colonialism. This approach proved remarkably effective, with PAIGC controlling two-thirds of Guinea-Bissau's territory by 1971 (Tricontinental Institute, 2024).

Healthcare

Healthcare initiatives further demonstrated the application of Cabral's liberation philosophy. The PAIGC established rural health clinics staffed by trained local medical auxiliaries who provided care to populations previously neglected under colonial rule. These clinics served substantial numbers of patients throughout the early 1970s, whilst mobile medical teams ventured into remote areas, demonstrating Cabral's insistence that genuine liberation required addressing multiple forms of oppression simultaneously (Dhada, 2013). Through these healthcare programmes, PAIGC demonstrated that liberation struggles must attend to immediate human needs whilst pursuing broader political objectives.

International Diplomacy and Solidarity

Finally, in the international context, Cabral's theoretical emphasis on solidarity (recall Fanon) found expression through sophisticated diplomatic engagement. He travelled extensively, articulating Guinea-Bissau's struggle at the United Nations and building support networks across Africa and in other parts of the world. The PAIGC established training programmes where fighters received education in countries like Cuba and the Soviet Union, always with careful attention to adapting these foreign experiences to local conditions. This is the insistence that theory must be grounded in specific historical and cultural contexts in action (Laranjeiro, 2019). His diplomatic efforts culminated in the United Nations recognising PAIGC as the sole and authentic representative of the Guinean population in 1972, before formal independence had been achieved.

PAIGCV Women Warrior Project homenageando a esposa de Amilcar Cabral e ...

The Weapon of Theory Lives

The WoT is very much alive and well in contemporary decolonisation movements in myriad ways.

The ideas live on in the Indigenous communities from Aotearoa New Zealand to Canada that have established immersion schools reminiscent of Cabral's bush schools, recognising that linguistic sovereignty remains central to cultural resurgence.
The ideas also live in contemporary movements to transform university curricula by challenging Eurocentric canons and incorporating diverse knowledge systems similarly echo Cabral's insistence that genuine liberation requires epistemic diversity (Bhambra et al., 2018). Epistemic diversity refers to the variety of different ways of knowing, understanding, and making sense of the world. It encompasses the idea that there are multiple valid approaches to acquiring knowledge and that diversity in these approaches can be valuable.
The Zapatista autonomous municipalities in Chiapas, Mexico, with their system of rotating leadership and consensus-based decision-making, reflect similar principles of grassroots governance that Cabral implemented in liberated zones (Mora, 2017). As scholars of Zapatista autonomy note, their project - overlaps with the demands of sovereignty of many indigenous peoples in settler colonial states whilst questioning the legitimacy of state sovereignty itself (Forbis, 2015).
Similarly, urban social movements advocating for community control over local resources and development, from the Right to the City alliances to housing cooperatives in global metropolises, draw upon the same recognition that decolonisation requires transforming everyday power relations and creating alternative governance structures.
In the area of extractive capitalism and neo-colonial economic relationships. Indigenous-led movements opposing resource extraction projects across the Amazon, Standing Rock and beyond reflect Cabral's understanding that economic sovereignty remains fundamental to genuine independence. Fair trade networks and solidarity economies that seek to bypass exploitative global supply chains share philosophical foundations with the cooperative structures PAIGC established. These contemporary movements similarly recognise that political decolonisation remains incomplete without addressing economic dependencies that perpetuate colonial power dynamics despite formal independence.
In Health Sovereignty and Community Care we see the ideas in contemporary movements advocating for health sovereignty and community-based care systems. During the COVID-19 pandemic, mutual aid networks and community health initiatives emerged globally, particularly within marginalised communities disproportionately affected by institutional neglect. These efforts echo Cabral's holistic approach to liberation as necessarily encompassing physical wellbeing alongside political rights. Contemporary Indigenous healing centres that integrate traditional medicine with community-based approaches similarly reflect Cabral's recognition that decolonisation must address all dimensions of human needs.
Cabral's emphasis on international solidarity whilst maintaining contextual specificity resonates with current transnational movements that balance global connections with locally-rooted struggles. Contemporary Indigenous alliances that transcend national boundaries whilst respecting distinct cultural traditions embody this approach. Climate justice movements linking environmental degradation to colonial histories and calling for climate reparations similarly reflect Cabral's analysis of interconnected systems of oppression requiring coordinated resistance (Nirmal & Rocheleau, 2019).

Perhaps most significantly as far as Africa is concerned, the WoT is alive and well in Burkina Faso and the Sahel region where Africans are in the process of shaking off French neo-colonialism and crafting their own paths. These movements are applying Cabral's analytical framework - understanding exactly how French neo-colonialism operates through currency controls, military bases, and puppet governments - then developing contextually-specific strategies to break free.

Psychological Decolonisation and Healing

The big commonality between Cabral and Fanon lies in the area of psychology. The psychological dimensions of decolonisation that Cabral emphasised alongside Fanon continue to inform contemporary approaches to healing collective trauma and rebuilding cultural confidence. Therapeutic practices centred on decolonising mental health, historical trauma recovery programmes in Indigenous communities, and artistic movements reclaiming cultural expression all draw upon this understanding that decolonisation requires addressing internalised oppression alongside external structures (Avalos, 2017). Contemporary scholarship on "decolonising the mind" directly extends Cabral's recognition that lasting liberation must transform consciousness as well as institutions (wa Thiong'o, 1986).

These contemporary applications of Cabral's framework demonstrate its enduring relevance for addressing the unfinished project of decolonisation in an era where colonial legacies persist through subtler but equally pernicious mechanisms. By recognising these connections, we honour Cabral's intellectual legacy while acknowledging that his "weapon of theory" remains an essential tool for ongoing struggles toward genuine liberation and human dignity.

Conclusion

In my view the works of Frantz Fanon and Amílcar Cabral continue to inform contemporary understanding of colonialism, decolonisation, and the psychological dimensions of oppression. Their insights into the dehumanising effects of colonisation, the importance of cultural revitalisation, and the need for comprehensive social, cultural, and political transformation remain relevant in ongoing struggles for liberation and justice.

By emphasising the psychological aspects of colonisation and the importance of theoretical analysis in guiding resistance, Fanon and Cabral provide a framework for understanding the complex processes of decolonisation that extends beyond mere political independence. Their emphasis on addressing the deeper psychological and cultural impacts of colonialism highlights the multifaceted nature of decolonisation as a continuous process of healing, reclaiming, and transforming societies affected by colonial domination.

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2. Cabral's Decolonial Thought

The Weapon of Theory

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